May 17 is the International Day against Homophobia, Biphobia and Transphobia. This date commemorates the 1990 decision by the World Health Organization (WHO) to remove homosexuality from its list of mental disorders. This is one of the most important dates in the history of the fight for LGBTQIA+ rights and has led to a shift in global perspectives on sexual orientation.

The International Day Against Homophobia, Biphobia and Transphobia, May 17, has been celebrated since 2005. It was founded in 2004 by French academic and LGBTQIA+ activist Louis-Georges Tin. Since then, May 17 has been celebrated in various forms throughout the developed world, but the main common denominator is support for the queer community and the fight against homophobia, biphobia and transphobia.

May 17 has a long history in Georgia, but not for the benefit of the queer community. Both the Patriarchate of the Orthodox Church and the Georgian Dream have contributed greatly to the “stealing” of this day for queers. In 2025, we are approaching the day of the fight against homophobia, biphobia and transphobia with increased political homophobia and hate laws.

History of May 17 in Georgia

The International Day Against Homophobia, Biphobia and Transphobia has a 14-year history in Georgia, and unfortunately, in no year has the freedom of expression of the queer community been fully protected. Moreover, there have been numerous cases of violence, raids and even more restrictions on publicity. We will tell you chronologically:

2011

The first May 17th mentioned in public space in the archives of various media and activists is recorded in 2011 — first, a screening of Lia Jakeli’s film The Price of Being Myself was held at Frontline, followed by a discussion on the homophobic environment in society, and then several dozen people gathered at the Metekhi Bridge and released colored candles into the Kura River. The flowers on which the candles were attached were in the colors of the LGBTQIA+ flag, and the candles themselves were dedicated to the memory of victims of hate crimes. According to Civil.ge, the organizer of this event was the Inclusive Association.

Photo: Guram Muradov/Civil.ge

2012

In 2012, queer activists and community supporters gathered near the Philharmonic Hall and marched to Freedom Square. The peaceful march, which was protesting against hatred, was confronted by aggressive people, including clergy, near the Rustaveli Metro station and dispersed the rally with force. The state failed to protect civilians.

Photo: Nodar Tskhvirashvili/ Radio Tavisupleba

To protest the previous day’s violence, on May 18, 2012, activists gathered in front of the parliament with posters: “Jesus is love,” “No to religious extremism,” “God is against hate,” etc. The rally lasted for about an hour.

Soso Khachidze / Civil.ge

Oto Kantaria / Civil.ge

It is noteworthy that in the case of May 17, 2012, the European Court of Human Rights found a violation of human rights, in particular, it found a violation of the articles on inhuman and degrading treatment, discrimination, and freedom of assembly. The Strasbourg Court ordered the state to compensate the applicants for moral damage.

2013

It can be said that this is one of the hardest days for people fighting for the rights of the queer community in Georgia. After it became known about the gathering of LGBTQIA+ activists and supporters, with the involvement of the Patriarchate, the parish, as well as the Union of Orthodox Parents, mobilized near the parliament. They even brought nettles to the scene.

Photo: Guram Muradov / Civil.ge

Photo: Radio Tavisupleba / Mzia Saganelidze

A group of peaceful activists gathered near Freedom Square, and police stood between them and the violent group. However, the attackers broke through the police cordon and physically assaulted peaceful people. They verbally and physically abused the protesters, but the police did not or could not respond appropriately. Several participants in the demonstration were injured.

Guram Muradov / Civil.ge

The police began to evacuate civilians from the area in yellow buses and minibuses, however, aggressive individuals were throwing stones and various objects in their direction, as well as attempting to break into transport and resort to violence.

The second group of peaceful activists ended up on Vachnadze Street, where violent groups, parishioners, and clergy also arrived. Several people were injured as a result of the violence.

Photo: Giorgi Gogua / Liberali

In fact, no one was punished for this violence, including the clergyman who hung civilians with a stool and who became a kind of “symbol” of the clergy.

Photo: Dima Chikvaidze/Tabula

A week after May 17, on May 24, citizens gathered in Dedaena Garden to protest the violence. They held posters with inscriptions: “No to theocracy,” “They are building churches while the parishioners are dying of hunger,” “Theocracy is not democracy,” “Why are you chasing us with chairs and nettles, just run us over with jeeps,” etc. Violent groups, including clergy, also arrived at the scene. The police were also mobilized.

Guram Muradov / Civil.ge

The state’s inaction is indicated by another decision of the Strasbourg Court on May 17, 2013. In particular, the court called this violence “unprecedented” and pointed to the government’s tacit consent.

“The authorities failed to take measures to protect the demonstrators from the crowd, despite being informed of the danger posed by the event. In addition, there is evidence, in particular video recordings by independent journalists, which confirms the authorities’ failure to prevent acts of violence,” the European Court of Human Rights said in its decision.

2014

Instead of condemning the violence of the previous year, in 2014, the Catholicos-Patriarch of the Orthodox Church, Ilia II, declared May 17 as “Family Sanctity Day.” A procession of clergy and parishioners was held, but the queer community and supporters were forced to cancel the peaceful march due to security concerns.

It was after this that, every year, church representatives and parishioners take to the streets on May 17th and hold a gathering.

2014 წლის 17 მაისი, სასულიერო პირებისა და მრევლის შეკრება Mzia Saganelidze / Radio Liberty

After Ilia II established this “holiday,” freedom of assembly and expression for the queer community was further restricted. In the next chapter, we will tell you in detail how the church and state planned and then took away the day of struggle against homophobia, biphobia, and transphobia.

2015

Several short-term protests were held in various locations in 2015. Due to security concerns, none of them were publicly announced. LGBTQIA+ activists approached the Ministry of Justice with flags and posters. Their demand was to simplify the procedures for obtaining identity cards for transgender people, as well as to add hate speech as an aggravating circumstance in cases of homophobic crimes. “Hate is a choice, orientation is not,” “LGBT rights are human rights” — these and other inscriptions were carried by the protesters on their posters.

Photo: Yana Korbezashvili / Civil.ge

Photo: Guram Muradov / Civil.ge

Another rally was held in the Round Garden, where civil society representatives introduced the Strasbourg Court’s decision on the May 17, 2012 case to the crowd. These quotes were also written on the posters they brought. Police were mobilized at the scene.

Photo: Guram Muradov / Civil.ge

The rally was also held on Vachnadze Street — the very place where representatives of the Patriarchate and their followers attacked peaceful citizens on May 17, 2013, inflicting physical and psychological harm. The protesters brought posters with the following inscriptions: “There is no place for homophobia and transphobia here”, “No to hatred”, “Stop transphobia”, “A street free from hatred”, “This place is also occupied” — it is noteworthy that the content of the posters responds to the previously launched campaign called “This street is occupied — there is no place for homophobia and transphobia here”. During this campaign, several people stood on different streets with posters: “This street is occupied”, and then distributed photos.

Photo: Netgazeti

2016

This year, the rally was not held, although there were several activities, including activists bringing a stool painted in LGBTQIA+ colors to the Radisson Hotel, where the World Congress of Families was being held at the invitation of one of the leaders of violent groups, pro-Russian and homophobe Levan Vasadze.

Photo: Tbilisi Pride Facebook page

In addition, at night, activists painted several walls in LGBTQIA+ colors, including the wall of the Patriarchate building. The Ministry of Internal Affairs detained them under administrative law for “distorting the appearance of a self-governing entity.” A few months later, they, together with EMC (now the Center for Social Justice), appealed this to the European Court of Human Rights. 6 activists complained about the detention and degrading treatment after the detention. In particular, they said that they were detained in violation of the requirements of the law and in aggressive forms, without any explanation, by people dressed in civilian clothes. The activists were unable to identify the police officers before their detention and, without any explanation or warning, were perceived as representatives of violent groups due to the hanging and pursuit, which put them in a state of fear, insecurity and stress. According to the activists, once they learned that they were police officers, they did not resist, therefore, the police had the opportunity to write out the 50-GEL fines provided for by law on the spot and not detain them for 12 hours. The applicants also point to the use of harsh and openly homophobic language during transportation to the police station and court.

2017

In 2017, queer activists and supporters gathered near the Government Chancellery. The rally was planned in secret. The participants were brought to the site by the Ministry of Internal Affairs in yellow buses and then taken away again after the rally. Violent groups and clergymen arrived at the Government Chancellery. Police were among them.

Photo: Dato Naskidashvili

Photo: Yana Korbezashvili / Civil.ge

2018

In 2018, for the first time since May 17, 2013, LGBTQIA+ activists announced a public gathering, but were forced to cancel the event due to insufficient security guarantees. The Equality Movement claimed that the Ministry of Internal Affairs had promised to provide security, but radical and neo-Nazi groups attempted to use violence against peaceful demonstrators and announced an unprecedented mobilization for May 17, forcing the activists to make the most difficult and consolidated decision for them — to give up their constitutional right to self-expression.

Photo: Netgazeti / Mariam Bogveradze

Some of the community and supporters still arrived at the Government Chancellery. For security reasons, they were brought to the site by MIA representatives in yellow buses. The police erected barriers around the perimeter and did not allow representatives of the violent group confrontation taking place near the parliament building to reach there. Nevertheless, a 15-year-old minor broke through the cordon and attacked activist Niqo Gorgiladze during his speech — just as he was saying: “Love is love, always and everywhere.”

Photo: Netgazeti / Mariam Bogveradze

It is worth noting that some of the activists held peaceful gatherings in several other locations as well. They gathered in front of the Ministries of Education, Justice, Health, and Internal Affairs, and some gathered in front of the 112 building and Vake Park, marking the International Day against Homophobia and Transphobia with peaceful protests.

Photo: Mikheil Meparishvili / Netgazeti

In 2019, queer activists and supporters did not celebrate May 17 in public due to safety concerns. In May 2020, the coronavirus pandemic forced the International Day Against Homophobia, Biphobia, and Transphobia to be celebrated online. In subsequent years, queer organizations have responded to May 17 with various conferences.

There have also been attempts to celebrate Pride Week in these years. In neither case did the state protect the right of queers to demonstrate publicly. In early July 2021, two Pride Week events (a film screening and a Pride Festival) were held indoors amid the mobilization of violent groups, although the police provided security. On the day of the third event, the march, Prime Minister Gharibashvili stated that he considered the march inappropriate, which led to large-scale violence. The state again failed to protect civilians — violent groups physically assaulted more than 50 journalists, stormed the Tbilisi Pride office, and ransacked the offices of non-governmental organizations. Within a few days, one of the beaten journalists, Lekso Lashkarava, died.

Given the events of the previous year, Pride March was not announced for 2022. Other events planned as part of Pride Week took place amid the mobilization of violent groups, although the police did not allow them to enter the area.

The Pride March was not planned for Pride Week 2023 either. The Pride Festival, scheduled for July 8th and scheduled to take place near Lake Lisi, was disrupted by violent groups before it even began. Despite the state providing security guarantees to the organizers, videos taken on the spot show a senior MIA official leading one of the violent AltInfo leaders through the festival grounds, effectively reporting that Tbilisi Pride representatives were no longer there.

State and Church Against Queers

“Sexual minorities, I have stated many times, are citizens just like we represent ourselves, each of us, and there should be no emphasis on this. Our society will slowly get used to this. I know that there are questions, there is a part of the people who cannot accept this. For this, there are law enforcement structures in our state, and we will do everything to protect the rights of any minority,” — this statement was made by Bidzina Ivanishvili in 2013. And 11 years later, his party turned homophobia into an election campaign. Ivanishvili himself got involved in the marathon and introduced the public to a fictional problem, namely, “the fact that they put sanitary napkins in men’s toilets. The fact that men’s milk is the same as women’s.”

This was preceded by several months of homophobic campaigning by the Georgian Dream and discussions on the hate law, which came into force on December 2, 2024 and, first of all, fights and harms queers, as well as restricts art, literature, education , etc. — the law, which was created under the pretext of protecting minors and families, further intensifies hatred towards already vulnerable groups and reinforces stereotypes.

► You can read more about the Georgian Dream’s battle against homophobic laws and queers in Aprili Media articles:

In addition, May 17 has been declared by law as Family Sanctity Day, and for the second year in a row, high-ranking officials from the Georgian Dream have been attending the gathering, while even going out on this day can be dangerous for queers.

We can say that the Georgian Dream’s homophobia has been going on for many years, but recently it has become even more obvious. In addition to public statements, this is confirmed by the so-called Krebs, allegedly leaked from the State Security Service (SSS). It is worth noting that the authenticity of the recordings has not yet been confirmed or denied by an official investigation, although they contain thousands of files and store information on politicians, clergymen of various confessions, embassy employees, NGOs, journalists, etc., among whom many people have confirmed the authenticity of specific recordings.

The so-called Krebs were spread in the fall of 2021, and in the recordings we find information about LGBTQIA+ activists or organizations, and it also becomes clear that they were being massively monitored. The Patriarchate was also being monitored, and as a result, it is clear how the so-called Family Sanctity Day was created.

Before we tell you about this, let us say you that the documents we studied contain detailed descriptions of queer organizations, including their services, meetings, activities, and even personal information about the sexual orientation of their leaders.

For example:

"On May 17, videos prepared by L.N. (name, surname and personal number blacked out by Aprili Media ) with a non-traditional sexual orientation will be distributed on social networks, where the emphasis will be placed on the government's attempt to cover up social problems by using the LGBT theme, which is resulting in an increase in negative attitudes towards the LGBT community in society."

"Members of the LGBT community have developed a text for a speech at the rally planned for May 17, 2018, which in its content addresses only the problems of the LGBT community and clearly reflects the reality of the country's socio-political life. In particular, according to the text: during the speech at the rally, one of the members of the LGBT community will begin the conversation with statistical data about the current social situation in the country: jobs; poverty; territorial integrity; price increases; accessible medical services. They will expand on the above issues one by one and discuss in detail specific details of what the state should do for this and what it is guilty of regarding unresolved issues to date."

The 2018 document contains the following entry:

“Every year on May 17, the LGBT community tries to celebrate the International Day against Homophobia and Transphobia, and given that the majority of the Georgian population is religious, there is always a possibility of violent confrontation based on provocation, which is harmful to the democratic image of Georgia. In addition, it is worth noting that on May 17, 2017, representatives of LGBT organizations and independent LGBT activists, in agreement with the Georgian government, held a rally in the vicinity of the State Chancellery, which led to an increase in ambitions among the LGBT community, which is why there is a high probability that on May 17, 2018, LGBT organizations will unconditionally demand a march-action on Rustaveli Avenue in Tbilisi and mobilize the international community in support of this idea, in order to put pressure on the Georgian government.”

In addition, Netgazeti discovered a document in the files showing that, according to the SSS, on May 17, 2019, the Equality Movement was planning a performance using mannequins, which is why the SSS is investigating the available supplies on the market and notes that if necessary, they can block the procurement process.

Allegedly, a SSS operative writes:

In order to neutralize the "Mannequin Performance" planned by the Equality Movement on May 17, a conversation was held with the administration of all shopping centers in Tbilisi and it became clear that at this stage there is not enough supply of mannequins available in Tbilisi.

However, on May 16 of this year, a new batch of them is expected to be received at the shopping center Lilo Mall. The aforementioned process has been placed under operational control, as a result of which we have the opportunity to block the procurement process if necessary;

In the event of a possible "Mannequin Performance" on central streets, in coordination with the Ministry of Internal Affairs, using their positions, members of the said organization should be isolated from radical organizations.

How They Were “Planning” the Family Sanctity Day

In addition, the so-called gatherings make it clear that the introduction of the Family Sanctity Day in 2014 was a joint plan of the Patriarch and the violent Union of Orthodox Parents (UOP).

In the records, we find a document titled: “10.05.2014 analitikuri 17 MAISI”, which is titled as “Reference” and conveys a dialogue between one of the ideologists of the Union of Orthodox Parents, the clergyman of the Vazisubani St. George’s Cathedral, Guram Gamtsemlidze, and the rector of the Kvemo Teleti Church of the Annunciation of the Virgin Mary, Tengiz (Basil) Iasaghashvili. In particular, according to the document, Gamtsemlidze contacted Iasaghashvili on May 10 and informed him that he, along with other clergymen, was with Ilia II on May 9 at 9:00 PM regarding the events planned for May 17.

After that, the following dialogue is narrated in the document:

Gamtsemlidze: Yesterday we were there until 12 o'clock, Father, the Patriarch arrived and... Did Father Basil call you?

Iashaghashvili: No, he didn't call.

Gamtsemlidze: The Patriarch... the evening prayers... There were many of us in the yard and first the fathers came, they explained the situation and the Patriarch said that nothing would happen, the Prime Minister told me that we should not hold anything... Then we started praying, when we read the evening prayer, Father David and Father Basil came again and explained that this and that is what happened, that they are planning something and we want this and that, and the Patriarch liked it very much and that... So that's what you should do then, you should declare a day of family strength and protection of parents.

Iashaghashvili: Protection of parents?

Gamtsemlidze: No, the day of protecting parents and family strength, something... I don't know exactly how it will be formed now and... So do this and then they told him maybe a rally... Yes, a rally is possible... Bless the streets and walk through the streets, pastors and parishioners. Suddenly, they want to come from different regions and there will be a lot of people and we agreed on everything, he told us as we wanted, but... Now, when we went out there, the Patriarch took us to his garden, we were there for a long time, we sat there, he told us some things, and then when we went outside, Father Basil... We came up with something like this, that we would start the rally from the Philharmonic Hall at 10 o'clock, pass through Rustaveli, and at 12 o'clock the Patriarch said he would personally conduct a service at the Sameba Cathedral, on Saturday... Before that, different parishes will probably come from different things and... This just needs to be organized, and now we will see what kind of announcement the Patriarch will make tomorrow, because then we turned to the bishop and the bishop asked who would make this announcement to set this day and... he would say it on Sunday himself, so we will probably organize all of this too.

Iashaghashvili: Which statement? That....

Gamtsemlidze: That this day should be established as a family day... and along with this, a church service is held... with a rally to the Sameba Cathedral, if a procession is organized... he should do this himself.

Iashaghashvili: And we are meeting at 10:00. Has this been decided yet?

Gamtsemlidze: It was decided to meet at the Philharmonic, but maybe our parishioners will come from different places, I don't know how it will be now, what exactly the Patriarch decides. We will contact Bishop Iakob and he will tell us how to do it.

Iashaghashvili: So we're not announcing anything this week, right?

Gamtsemlidze: Yes, you are. We have to announce it this Sunday, we can't announce it later. This Sunday, we announce that at 10 o'clock there will be a procession from the Philharmonic Hall with prayer and that, and we will tell the parishioners that... it is with the blessing of the Patriarch and whoever curses there is a provocateur. I’m not even talking about fighting, there is no place for provocations there... The provocateurs should not come.

Iashaghashvili: Yeah, okay, Father Guram, I understand.

It is noteworthy that on May 11, 2014, His Holiness Ilia II declared May 17 as the Day of Family Sanctity.

In addition, files dating back to various years clearly show that violent groups are in constant communication and consultation with clergy, mostly with clergy representing the Orthodox Parents’ Union. In turn, the UOP is in active communication with the Patriarchate.

For example, in the so-called Krebs, we find such entries:

"Correspondent Bishop Theodor Chuadze called on the priests of the churches of the Mtskheta-Tbilisi Diocese gathered at the Trinity Cathedral to mobilize the maximum number of parishioners for the May 17 event."

"Activists of the Union of Orthodox Parents agree that representatives of the LGBT community should not be allowed to hold a rally, so they are considering the option of seizing the area surrounding the Chancellery the evening before, and if law enforcement officers try to remove them from the area, they will call on the public via Facebook Live to mass mobilize against the LGBT community. According to G. Palavandishvili, if they are not allowed to seize the area the day before, they can rent an apartment in advance in the vicinity of the Chancellery, from which they can throw eggs for the participants of the rally. G. Palavandishvili also said that he has a friend in the vicinity of the Chancellery, from whose apartment it will be possible to climb onto the roof and throw eggs from there. The activists of the Union of Orthodox Parents also note that they may not be able to carry out their plan, since their actions may become known to security services and for them to take full control of the surrounding area."

"On March 23 of this year, the youth organization "Davitianni" affiliated with the Patriarchate applied to the Tbilisi City Hall with a request to overtake the above-mentioned locations and allocate the necessary material and technical resources for the events."

A number of other records testify to the close connection between violent groups and clergy in connection with May 17. For example, a document dated May 8, 2014 states that the rector of the St. Marine Church in the village of Dighomi, one of the ideologists of the Union of Orthodox Parents, David Isakadze, contacted Metropolitan Seraphim Jojua of the Borjomi and Bakuriani Diocese and informed him that a part of the clergy planned to meet with Catholicos Patriarch Ilia II of Georgia on May 9 and receive his blessing regarding the events planned for May 17. In addition, the document states that Isakadze asked Jojua to call on the clergy and parishioners of the Borjomi and Bakuriani Diocese to participate in the May 17 rally-protest. In addition, it is indicated that Metropolitan Job of the Diocese of Urbnisi and Ruisi is planning to meet with Isakadze and other clergy regarding these issues.

Another interesting file is dated April 9, 2014, where, citing the chairman of the Georgian Idea, a pro-Russian Levan Chachua, it is indicated that on May 17, a presentation of a film will be held in cinemas, which is “of the comedy genre and is shot about the lives of two sexually unconventional men, a Kakheti man and a Mingrelian man. According to the same file, in connection with the film, Zurab (Basil) Antadze, the abbot of the St. Basil the Great Monastery of Dzalantkhevi, was present at a meeting with Metropolitan Theodor Chuadze with Ilia II, “who, in their presence, tried to contact the Prime Minister of Georgia (by phone) regarding the above-mentioned issue, but for some reason the conversation between them did not take place.” According to the document, Antadze noted during his conversation with Chachua that the Patriarch urged them to wait for the government’s decision regarding the presentation of the film in cinemas.

Here we also find a note according to which Chachua, along with also a pro-Russian head of the Primakov Center, Dimitri Lortkipanidze, who is a co-organizer of homophobic rallies and was also a candidate for Tbilisi mayor at the time, was with Ilia II. After that, we find the following note in the document:

“L. Chachua – “If Dima becomes mayor, the Patriarch said, the city will be happy, Tbilisi, what are you talking about?”

The documents also contain a lot of information about how leaders of violent groups consult with clergy. According to a 2014 recording, Zurab (Basil) Antadze, the rector of the St. Marine Church in the village of Dighomi, along with Davit Isakadze, one of the ideologists of the Orthodox Parents’ Union, was with Metropolitan Theodor Chuadze of Akhaltsikhe and Tao-Klarjeti in Samtskhe-Javakheti. After the speech, Isakadze said: “He said something good, in groups in different places on the 17th… and coordination, so that we have something… and if something…”.

In the same files, we find the following entry regarding Isakadze: “It is noteworthy that D. Isakadze has a great authority among the population of the village of Dighomi, he has been convicted twice in the past. Namely, 1. In 1979, under the article of robbery (Article 152, Part II of the Criminal Code, sentenced to 6 years in prison, later reduced to 3 years and 6 months). 2. In 1983, under the article of carjacking (Article 243, Part III of the Criminal Code, sentenced to 4 years in prison). D. Isakadze, together with his associates, belongs to a radical Orthodox group, who, through rallies, marches, and “rushes,” protest the actions of certain groups of society that are unacceptable to them.”

Years later, we see that the state and the church are celebrating a day that was established to restrict the freedom of expression of queers. The state has also declared May 17 a holiday, and for the second year in a row, representatives of the Georgian Dream, along with their families, are showing off in front of photo and video cameras — while the lives and health of queers are in danger, and many of them are forced to leave their homeland, friends, and parents in order to survive.